The state of Slovakia was created in 1939
after the Czech portions of the 1919-formed Czechoslovakia were incorporated
into the German Reich. Slovakia was allowed a “client state” or protectorate
status, not unlike that of Vichy France. The new government was led by Josef
Tiso, a Roman Catholic priest and his Hlinka party, a fiercely nationalistic right-wing
group that like the Nazis, allied nationalism to hatred of the
“extra-national,” the Jew. Laws put in place after their access to power
reflect precisely those enacted in Germany after 1933, rapidly stripping their
90,000 Jews of their citizenships, their basic rights, their dignity, property,
and sometimes, their lives. As the need for slave labourers grew in areas
directly governed by the Nazis, a request was made for Slovakia to deport
10,000 Jewish men to assist with the ever-present short-fall. Tiso was not
adverse to this possibility, however, the loss of Jewish “breadwinners” would
throw the care of their families onto the state. The Slovakians countered with
an offer of the men, if the Nazis would accept the families as well. At a February,
1942 meeting in the Slovak capital of Bratislava cynical negotiations proceeded,
masked by the Slovaks “concerned” about the unchristian fate of the families
separated from their men. Ultimately the issue was settled in Berlin: the
Slovak government would send men and families into German-held territories,
paying the Germans 500 marks for the “upkeep” of each family member, on the
conditions that the emigrants never be returned to Slovakia, and, that Germany
would not seek to claim any of the properties or other valuables of the people
exported. The Slovaks would thus rid themselves of their Jews and at the same
time reap enormous profits by scooping up their properties.
In preparation for their enforced
deportation many Jews were rounded up in March and placed in a holding camp
policed by Hlinka guards. Like the various incarnations of German Nazi
enforcers, these men had swallowed the linkage of their ethnic hegemony with
the hatred and demonization of those different from themselves. Laurence Rees’
interviews with former Hlinka guards sixty years later demonstrate the
persistence of the belief that the Jews were parasites on the body politic and
that their treatment and their fates were justified. One recalled that as he
later recognized that the Jews were being sent to their deaths, “I was feeling
sorry for them, but on the other hand, I was not sorry for them considering
they were stealing from the Slovaks. We were not very sorry. We thought it was
good that they were taken away. That way they could not cheat us anymore. They
were not going to get rich at the expense of the working class anymore.” In
Hlinka custody the Slovak Jews were robbed, beaten, systematically humiliated
and brutalized. Then came their transportation.
At this time Auschwitz Birkenau was under
construction, constantly in need of new labour sources. As well, its Bunker 1,
the “Little Red Cottage” was newly available for mass killing. Himmler, always
adept at finding solutions to new eventualities, had the Slovakian Jews
forwarded there. This was the first time that Jews brought from outside Poland
came to Auschwitz. With clear dual purposes
of labour and for killing, it was the true beginning of Auschwitz as the
facility for death with which we most associate it. The selection process at arrival
had not yet begun, however. All members of the initial contingent were admitted
into the camp, that is, those who were able to run in groups of five the
relatively short distance from the railway station to the main camp. Those
unable to do so were shot. The following morning all of the roughly 1000 newly
imported men were forced to run the three kilometres to Birkenau. About 70 or
80 of those who faltered were shot along the route. This process itself became the “selection,”
the means of ensuring who was capable of work and who would be unproductive, a
drain on the resources of the camp.
In the following month some immediate
selections occurred as more Slovak Jews arrived, though the regular and
systematic selection by members of the SS at the moment of arrival on the ramp
at Birkenau began only in July. The system had been perfected to allow as
smooth as possible transitions from the trains to the labour camp facilities or
to the gassing sites. Those arriving were told to separate into groups of men
and of women and children, then to line up five across to pass by the
“inspecting committee.” Those who looked fit for work were motioned in one
direction; those who did not, or who had young children in tow, in another. Prospective
workers were marched away; the others were taken to a far corner of the
facility. Guarded by SS and their dogs they were allowed to sit on the ground
while they awaited what they were told would be their initiation into the camp.
The rapid processing of these large numbers to be killed with each transport
depended upon keeping the victims in the dark about their actual fates. The
guards were trained to be scrupulous about keeping their group together but
also to speak with them in a reassuring fashion about their futures. “You will
be given a shower and new clothing. What kind of work did you do previously?
Yes, undoubtedly we have need of those workers.” If one of those waiting
appeared hysterical or likely to set up a panic reaction in the group, the
guards would manage to separate this person, taking him or her to another area
where a discrete low calibre shot to the head could pre-empt any difficulty.
Though bunker 1 and later, bunker 2 could
together “process” about 2,000 persons at a time by mid-July, 1942, the ordered
crematoria ovens had not yet arrived. The mammoth task of disposing of the
bodies was a constant difficulty for Rudolf Hoess, Auschwitz’ indefatigable
commander. An initial solution was to
bury them in shallow pits also placed at the upper boundaries of the Birkenau
camp. Bodies were covered with lime and a thin layer of soil to hide them from
view. In the heat of the summer, however, decomposing bodies began erupting through
their coverings. Hoess’ prisoners were now charged with disinterring the remains
and committing them to enormous pits in which continual fires were maintained.
Otto Pressburger, one of the very few Slovakian Jews to survive Auschwitz, told
Rees: “The dead bodies were becoming alive. They were rotting and coming out of
the holes...The smell was unbearable. I had no choice (but to do this work) if
I wanted to live. Otherwise they would kill me. I wanted to live. Sometimes I
was questioning myself whether this life was worth living.....We built a big
fire with wood and petrol. We were throwing them (the bodies) right into it.
There were always two of us throwing the bodies in – one holding the bodies on
the legs and the other on the arms. The stench was terrible. We were never
given any extra food for this. The SS men were constantly drinking vodka or
cognac or something else from their bottles. They could not cope with it
either.”
Aside from the gradual initiation of immediate
“selections,” the arrival of the Slovak Jews brought another change to
Auschwitz: the admission of women. Several of the blocks in the main camp were
emptied and prepared for them before the first group came in March, 1942. Their
treatment was as rough and barbaric as that given to the men. Stripped of their
clothing and hair they were clothed in prison garb, ruled by newly imported
women SS guards, and utilized primarily in the building of roads, tasks
realized through hard labour and without equipment. Later, a women’s camp was
constructed at Birkenau as its enormous confines proliferated.
In my next post I will look more closely at
the person and career of Heinrich Himmler, the man who had accumulated enormous
power from the beginning of Nazism, the man who by 1942 controlled all of the
policing functions of the German state and of its conquered territories, and who
was thus able to make decisions that streamlined and exploited the killing
functions of Auschwitz.
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