I had intended to focus my next post on Himmler
(and his close associate, Heydrich) but would like to say some things about
this year’s Holocaust Memorial Week. I was able to attend four of the many presentations
on offer, all happily connected in some fashion with books I have read and
issues I have written about. I perhaps had not looked closely enough at the
literature announcing the week’s activities, as I only gradually came to
realize its over-arching theme: an examination of “collaboration,” that is to
say, an active working with the Nazis’ design to exterminate the Jews of Europe
and other targeted groups. When the war ended there were two (to simplify something
difficult to easily categorize) that played out across the zones of German
domination: first -- retribution, swift and most often fatal against those seen
as collaborators, as well as bringing high profile offenders into courts of law
for judicial punishment; the other – burying the past, perhaps motivated by the
desire and need to orient energies toward life and the rebuilding of personal
and political spaces, and/or a disinclination to examine too closely the shades
of responsibility shared from egregious to more subtle degrees by many living
at the time.
In areas quickly taken over by the USSR the
latter process was facilitated by the Soviet government’s need to bind its new
populations to itself in a common narrative: all of the horrors of the war must
be laid at the feet of “the fascists.” The people of a newly created Eastern
German state, Ukrainians, Lithuanians, and so on were written in as simple victims
of the Nazi war machine. It was all: let us maintain clarity about the bad and
the good, the black and the white. When I visited the USSR in 1973 with Maurice
and his students, a constant refrain given to us was about the perfidy of “the
fascists” who had attacked Russia, murdering countless millions. All true of
course, but only one segment of the story. In Western Europe as well there was
a profound disinclination to examine or to even speak of the issues in any
depth.
Over the decades, however, this reticence
has given way in some places to a more honest and open dialogue. In the west Germany’s
alliance with the USA demanded increasingly a public examination and
acknowledgement of the horrors perpetrated within its boundaries. For many
years now West German students have been taught about their history in searing
detail. Turmoil erupted within families as children have had to examine their
parents’ narratives of the war against things they were learning. Since the dissolution
of the USSR in 1989 efforts have been made in Eastern Europe, markedly in
Poland, to broaden official histories to include what happened to the vast
pre-war Jewish populations. The four presentations that I was able to attend during
Holocaust Memorial Week considered from various perspectives the differences between
collaboration as an active espousal of Nazi aims, and, co-operation, working in
some fashion with German authorities in order to protect one’s life and
well-being and that of others, though not operating in any actively hostile
fashion against the populations marked out for destruction. Clearly there are
many shades along a spectrum between these two positions. Many survivors have
acknowledged that at least a part of their good fortune in remaining alive came
at the expense of others who did not. This is a broad topic that I would like
to explore further.
At the moment I am reading Saul Friedlander’s
2007 book Nazi Germany and The Jews 1939-45: The Years of Extermination, sequel
to his earlier work Nazi Germany and The Jews 1933-39: The Years of Persecution.
Early in this work Friedlander warns against the trap of assumed homogeneity of
any group. Our brains like neat categories to fit into frames of reference but these
can easily lead us toward wrong conclusions. “European Jews,” (one could
substitute almost any group – Catholics, American Christians, Muslims, etc)
were by no means all cut from the same cloth. In Europe before the outbreak of
WWII lived about nine million Jews. This was an enormously diverse group,
having for centuries been effected by distinctive national histories, the
dynamics of large scale migrations, and for some, the influences of urban life.
Throughout the continent and across time people had been diversely rewarded or
punished by changes in economic and social possibilities and/or by hostilities.
Overall there had been a gradual reduction in religious observance, especially
in the west. Then, as now, religious belief and observance spanned from
ultra-orthodox, orthodox, liberal, to non-believing, secular Jews. Politically,
Jews tended toward liberal ideas, though these could span ranges of democrats,
social democrats, Bundists, Stalinites, Trotskyites, or Zionists.
The most observable split among European
Jews in this period was between those living in the east and those in the west.
Jews in Western Europe were considerably fewer in number than those in the
East. They tended to be urban dwellers, educated, many of them professional
people, speaking the national language, and identifying as citizens of their
particular country. Intermarriage with non-Jews was not uncommon, allowing for
some gradual assimilation. Jews living in the large cities of the East were in
most respects similar. Most Eastern Jews, however, tended to live in smaller
villages or towns, farming or working as artisans. They spoke Yiddish and did
not identify in the same fashion with the country of their births. Generally
they were poorer, less educated and sophisticated than their Western
counterparts, but lived within a vibrant Jewish culture.
Friedlander speaks of the period from the
late 19th century to roughly the end of the second world war as one
characterised by “a crisis of liberalism.” With the rise of nationalism
minority groups like Jews everywhere became more clearly viewed as “Other,” not
just in Germany but generally throughout the continent. Rights gained over
previous centuries under the influence of the Enlightenment (generally put in
place by monarchs) were in various ways weakened or rescinded, leaving Jews more
vulnerable economically, professionally, and with respect to their rights as
citizens. During this period there was also a steady migration westward of Jews
from the east. The differences between those who had lived for generations in
the west and the newcomers were fairly marked and they did not mesh happily
with one another. Western Jews found those from the east somewhat “backward”
and embarrassing; those from the east were scandalized by the secular lives of
the westerners. Moreover the influx of Jews from the east provoked an even
higher degree of anti-Semitism than that which had been a “normal” condition of
the western milieu. The ideologies of right-wing, nationalist governments
meshed easily with the views of the anti-liberal, anti-communist Catholic
church, leaving the Jews of Europe without clear allies in any institutional
sector whatsoever as the Nazi war machine was set in motion.
More of Friedlander’s perspectives in my
next post.
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